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The speeches which have been selected for publication in these volumespossess a value, as examples of the art of public speaking, which noperson will be likely to underrate. Those who may differ from Mr.Bright's theory of the public good will have no difficulty inacknowledging the clearness of his diction, the skill with which hearranges his arguments, the vigour of his style, the persuasiveness ofhis reasoning, and above all, the perfect candour and sincerity withwhich he expresses his political convictions.
It seems likely that the course of events in this country will leadthose, who may desire to possess influence in the conduct of publicaffairs, to study the art of public speaking. If so, nothing which canbe found in English literature will aid the aspirant after this greatfaculty more than the careful and reiterated perusal of the speechescontained in these volumes. Tried indeed by the effect produced upon anyaudience by their easy flow and perfect clearness, or analysed by any ofthose systems of criticism which under the name of 'rhetoric' have beensaved to us from the learning of the ancient world, these speeches wouldbe admitted to satisfy either process.
This is not the occasion on which to point out the causes which conferso great an artistic value on these compositions; which give them now,and will give them hereafter, so high a place in English literature. Atthe present time nearly a hundred millions of the earth's inhabitantsspeak the English tongue. A century hence, and it will probably be thespeech of nearly half the inhabitants of the globe. I think that nomaster of that language will occupy a loftier position than Mr. Bright;that no speaker will teach with greater exactness the noblest and rarestof the social arts, the art of clear and persuasive exposition. Butbefore this art can be attained (so said the greatest critic that theworld has known), it is necessary that the speaker should secure thesympathies of his audience, should convince them of his statesmanship,should show that he is free from any taint of self-interest ordissimulation. These conditions of public trust still form, asheretofore, in every country of free thought and free speech, thefoundation of a good reputation and of personal influence. It is withthe fact that such are the characteristics of my friend's eloquence,that I have been strongly impressed in collecting and editing thematerials of these volumes.
Since the days of those men of renown who lived through the first halfof the seventeenth century, when the liveliest religious feeling wasjoined to the loftiest patriotism, and men laboured for their conscienceand their country, England has witnessed no political career like thatof Cobden and Bright. Cobden's death was a great loss to his country,for it occurred at a time when England could ill spare a conscientiousstatesman. Nations, however, cannot be saved by the virtues, nor needthey be lost by the vices, of their public men. But Cobden's death wasan irreparable loss to his friends—most of all to the friend who hadbeen, in an incessant struggle for public duty and truth, of one heartand of one purpose with him.
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